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Assignment代写网为你分享Assignment写作技巧

留学国外最烦的就是论文作业的写作了,其中Assignment写作就是最常见的,今天Assignment代写网小编就为大家介绍一下Assignment写作方法,希望对大家的写作有所帮助。

Assignment写作中如何避免关键词过多重复

Assignment写作中如何避免关键词过多重复

一篇优秀的Assignment,开头、总论点、分论点、论证、结尾等部分的写作都要围绕话题去开展,这就不可避免的会频繁出现关键词。如果只是论述而没有出现关键词,这种论述肯定只跑题的。而一部分词汇的频繁出现,肯定会降低读者的阅读体验,影响得分。一般来说,Assignment的评分标准中都会有一条:uses an adequate range of vocabulary for the task(词汇使用丰富)。这丰富不仅是指要使用多种多样的表达方式,也需要避免重复带来的审美疲劳。在实际写作Assignmen时该如何合理取舍关键词,避免关键词的过多重复呢?下面我们以一篇论文为例,谈谈如何灵活使用关键词。

题目:
Should governments finance art projects?

关键词:
governments/ finance/ art projects

关键词的替换

government :

  1. authority
  2. local councils
  3. officer
  4. administrator
  5. central administration
  6. policymakers
  7. councillors
  8. a state

finance :

  1. give financial support
  2. be funded by/ be financed by
  3. provide grant
  4. the funding of
  5. money for … come from
  6. support for
  7. pay
  8. state budget to be spent on
  9. assist
  10. ensure a large amount of investment goes into
  11. financial reserve of the government should be allocated to
  12. governmental subsidization/ investment
  13. require help from the state
  14. rely on governmental assistance
  15. spend a large part of its budget on
  16. enough money is spent on
  17. need full funding
  18. with some help from the government
  19. control budget by giving maintenance only to

art projects :

  1. artists
  2. creative artists
  3. artwork
  4. works of art
  5. the arts
  6. art-related field
  7. art industry
  8. arts institutions
  9. creative projects
关键词替换方法总结

● 同近义词

这应该是最简单粗暴的方法了,妥妥地炫耀词汇量。

government → authority
finance → fund

● 同根词

意思保证精准的另一个方法是,保留词根,变化一下词性,也相当于进行了表达的替换(虽然不够明显)。

government → governmental
art → artistic
finance → financial

这样做的另一个好处是,可以让变了词性的他们,和前后的其他意思合并,表达或许会更加精炼一些。

● 前后加修饰(形容词、副词)

如果有些单词实在没办法替换,那么可以尝试在其前面或者后面加上一定的修饰限定,让表意更加精准的同时,也算是有所替换了。

artists → creative artists/ art industry/ arts institutions
government → local/ central government

● 主被动转化

我们原本是顺着写,政府来支持艺术,有的时候,可以逆向写,艺术需要政府支持,或者艺术依赖于政府的补助,或者政府花更多钱在其他方面,或者政府的钱应该给谁。

governments finance arts → artists require help from the state/ rely on governmental assistance

● 情景设定

把题目的关键信息,变成一种假定的场景,然后主句再接着说具体的优点或者缺点。

常用的从句是 when/ if/ with/ because/ whether/ how

When policymakers decide how to allocate budget, …
If governments need to make better budgetary allocation, …

● 人 ↔ 物

如果关键词是人,我们就具象为人所拥有的东西,如果是一个物件,我们就写成创作它的人。

artist → art work/ creative works of artists

● 解释

题目可能都是比较直接的陈述,一两个词的简单表达。我们可以把这个词,当作一个需要去定义或者解释的词语,然后,尝试用别的方法,去把这个单词的意思,解释给一个没有背景知识的人。常常用到的是定语从句。

artists → people who are engaged in an activity related to creating art

再举一个例子

题目:

Multicultural societies bring more benefits than drawbacks for a country?

关键词:

Multicultural societies

键词替换:

  • a mixture of different ethnic groups
  • multi-culture
  • people from different regions
  • multiculturalism
  • people of different cultural backgrounds live and work together
  • experience several cultures staying and working at a common platform
  • a multi-cultured group
  • with people carrying so many cultures
  • when several cultures come together
  • mixed culture
  • different cultures being together exchanging the knowledge and way of living
  • societies which comprise people from different ethnic groups
  • when people from different ethnic groups live together in a country

大家如果在实操中,没有找到如此多的替换也不必太担心,毕竟一篇好文章,并不是要求我们每次都有替换,适当重复一点点,并没有关系。并且,在论证展开的时候,我们可以直接用代词来替换关键词,在举例的时候,我们会用到更多的例子中的具体表达。量化而言,我觉得,有3-5个替换,加上题目本身的表达,写一篇文章足矣。

Assignment Plagiarism的误区解读

Assignment Plagiarism的误区解读

留学生们在写Assignment时最为关心的应该是Plagiarism问题,毕竟外国高校对重复率控制是很严格的,一旦出现Plagiarism问题,后果都很严重。但对于学生而言,很多研究资料、论文都是从别处得来的,在写Assignment时必然会用到。那什么样的内容算是Plagiarism?如何应用别人的研究不算是Plagiarism呢?今天小编就带大家详细探讨下Assignment 写作中的Plagiarism问题,希望同学们都能避开误区,确保论文顺利通过。

在讲Plagiarism之前,我们先认识下Turnitin系统。

Turnitin系统

Turnitin是各大学所共享的庞大数据库,里面录入了成万上千亿的网络文章、过往学生的文章、出版的书籍和期刊等。

Turnitin的功能是查重,即寻找“学生上交的文章”和“数据库中的文章”的相似程度。Turnitin为批卷老师提供潜在有可能存在抄袭的内容来源,批卷老师会根据查重率报告,对文章做仔细剖析,最终决定这篇文章是否属于抄袭。

什么样的内容会被判定为Plagiarise?

剑桥词典中的定义:

Plagiarise (verb): to use another person's ideas or work and pretend that it is your own.

使用他人的想法或研究成果,并且假装为己所有的行为,称之为抄袭。具体情况的抄袭有哪些呢?

复制粘贴网上、书籍、期刊等内容,但没有标记出处来源。

用自己的语言描述他人的思想,但没有标记出处来源。

用同一份作业或一段文字,上交两门课程。

使用自己之前缩写文章中的语句而不标记出处来源。

在他人的话语中稍作词汇变换的改动,即使标记来源出处,也是抄袭。

他人作品- 同专业同学互相交流的时候,他人无意间使用你文章的内容,被查出来双方都受牵连。

Assignment Plagiarism常见误区解读

查重率越低越好?

Turnitin的查重率分为五个等级,如下图。

由于不同学校部门在设定查重率的时候标准不一样。因此查重率没有一个固定标杆,或好坏之分。

如果你执意要问,通常来讲15%以下都算正常,25%就算危险地段了。但具体情况具体分析。

比如在包括引用文献的情况下,查重率为0%,或许你会因为原创而洋洋得意,但批卷导师可能会因为文章没有学术文献支持而降低分数。

同样的情况下,查重率为50%,批卷老师在仔细阅读后发现学生所阅读的书籍范围甚广,并且有效地将他人的研究成果为自己的论点作支撑,文献格式整洁齐全,最终分数颇高。

什么样的相似内容是“允许的 ”?

直接引语和文献- 这也可以在查重设置中被勾选掉“exclude quotations & bibliography”。

格式-文章标题副标题。

图表-如果引用他人的数据图表,只要标明出处,是没有问题的。

短语术语-在查重设置中,通常默认一句话中5个单词以下重复的情况都不会被高光。

间接引用- 用自己的话来阐述别人的思想,如果句子整体结构全部变化了,问题不大。但有时学生英语水平不过关,试图将原句的单词做更换,在被Turnitin查出来后,由批卷老师做定夺是否属于抄袭。

什么内容Turnitin检测不出来?

图像、绘图、电子版书籍文字、从其他非英语语言所翻译出的内容。

抄袭一定会挂科么?

英国教育行业对抄袭行为极其反感,并给予严重的惩罚措施。有的同学可能是无意间遗漏,有的同学可能是刻意为之,不管你自己打什么样的小算盘,老师都会对你的行为做决定,判断你的intention。

查重率100%怎么办?

正式上交作业前,许多学生为了避免抄袭,都会做查重率监测。因为缺少经验,不知道查重率系统的运作方法,等到正式上交作业的时候发现查重率为100%,熟不知事前的查重将自己的作业录入系统。

在这里我们Assignment代写网提醒大家,如果使用第三方查重软件,一定要问清楚,所查文章是否会被录入系统,避免不必要的麻烦。

Assignment代写网提就提供查重、去除抄袭率的论文修改润色服务哦。我们所用的是和Turnitin数据库相同的查重软件,保证不会记录入库。检测后如果重复率过高,我们的专业人员还可以帮助修改,确保学生不会因为抄袭而挂科。不管你是对plagiarism有疑惑,亦或对我们的服务感兴趣,都可以联系我们的客服进行相关的咨询!

assignment格式范文

assignment格式范文
项目框架

在20世纪下半叶,建立了恐怖组织,正是导致了更大的巴斯克冲突,这也进一步说明了有一股势力正阻碍当代欧洲的发展,人们也更关心理论的集成和社会共识。该项目将包含一个描述性的和理论性的方法,而不是一个基于冲突暴力的定量分析,而这些暴力行为也逐渐入侵民族主义集团Euskadi Ta Askatasuna(ETA)。

一方面,比较一下在西班牙在建设过程中较独树一帜的方面,就是萨维诺阿拉纳欣欣向荣的“想象的共同体”通过19世纪的民族主义,和相关的事实和一些研究数据。另一方面,就是第二次世界大战给现代化国家带来了无数冲突,例如,减少暴力和极端主义。这被认为是微观和宏观视角下外生演员们对于现代化的反应,尽管种族多元化在今日愈演愈烈,本文认为在全球化的背景下,地域上的界限不再是身份的定义。

在西班牙建设过程中的弱点是——巴斯克民族主义有着千丝万缕的联系,这些联系构成了一个基点理解埃塔(1959)的原则作为恐怖分子。

The basque conflict

THE BASQUE CONFLICT

Project Framework

The Basque conflict, rendered more acute by the establishment of a terrorist organisation in the second half of the 20th century, illustrates the contemporary hindrances of an invigorated Europe, concerned with theories of integration and social consensus. This project intends to comprise a descriptive and theoretical approach, rather than a quantitative analysis based on the materialisation of the conflict by the violent incursions of the nationalist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA).

On the one hand, the first part compares and contrasts the sui generis Spanish state-building process to the thriving ‘imagined community' of Sabino Arana, raised through the nationalism of the 19th century, and articulated in relevant facts and figures. On the other hand, the second part brings the conflict to a modern state of affairs, i.e. a scenario of diverse attempts to lessen violence and extremism. It considers micro and macro perspectives and reactions of exogenous actors to this aggiornamento, and despite the diverse interpretations of ethnicity, the paper considers the present context of globalisation, in which identities are no longer guaranteed through states and borders.

Introduction

The weaknesses in the process of Spanish state-building - to which Basque nationalism is inextricably linked - constitute an elementary foundation to understand the principles of ETA (1959), as a terrorist organisation, and the nature of the nationalist identities involved in the conflict. In accordance with Linz: ‘Spain […] is a case of early state-building, where the political, social and cultural integration of its territorial components was not fully accomplished' (1973: 33), and as a result, its development differs from other European case studies in significant ways, mainly due to its dramatic collapse as a colonial power (Mees 2003).

Throughout time, Spain was downplayed from being the most dominant European colonial power to a bankrupt, weakened state with ‘internal problems of legitimacy, identity, penetration and participation' (Mees 2003: 6). Within this unstable context, the unification of the disparate territories in Spain resulted in a nation lacking the instruments of integration and cohesion. Therefore, Spanish nationalism in the 19th century remained weak and never became a movement (Seixas 1993).

The Post-Colonial State-Building

This process involved no common external enemy or national symbols that would promote the idea of an ‘imagined community' (Anderson 1999): it was not the aggressive nature of Spanish nationalism that fuelled the ‘durability of regional and local particularisms', but its weakness (Mees 2003: 7). The Spanish were never fully submitted to the idea of nation, and remained loyal to their local regions, such as the Basque Provinces, comprising a particular and differential culture, i.e. an ethnic community that would later become mobilised as a political nation (Smith 1986).

In historical terms, the annexation of Navarre in the 16th century represents the establishment of modern Spain and the supremacy of Castile over uninfringeable cultures. Moreover, the Crown recognised the importance of conceiving special rights to certain regions that became exempt from appointing soldiers to the central forces, and were granted a system of laws and practices called fueros - that represented a major right of the Basque population, as they conferred (since its codification in the 17th century) conditions for decision-making in most political and economic affairs, with no intervention from the central government (Osma 1996: 34).

However, the evolution of the Carlist ideology (in the 19th century), desecrated the unwavering relations with Castile (Flynn 2000: 100), and following its victory in the third war (1872-1876), the Liberal Government declared the abolition of privileges to the Basque Country, instigating a strong resistance. Hence, the conflict in the Basque Country can be interpreted as a reaction to the abolition of rights and concessions granted throughout history, and according to the nationalists: the outraged reaction to the withdrawing of the fueros represented a ‘national awakening' among the Basque people (Mees 2003).

Early Basque nationalist feeling in the 19th century created an hostile political and social attitude towards the central government, with a developing anti-Spanish and separatist culture (Mees 2003: 8). Furthermore, urban industrialisation and the influx of Spanish-speaking labourers were seen to pose a threat to Basque culture, which is extremely conservative and based around strictly Catholic values, encouraging a nationalist feeling (Woodworth 2001:3). As Basque industrialisation occurred primarily in Biscay, with ‘production of steel, modern shipyards and mining' (Conversi 1997: 48), these activities increased the demand for unskilled labour and society disintegration. As an illustration of this phenomenon, the population in Bilbao increased from 35,505 inhabitants in 1877 to 83,306 in 1900 (Atienza 1979: 73) - out of the 80% of immigrants, 50% were not Basques (Atienza 1979: 74).

The Establishment of an ‘Imagined Community'

The nationalist ideology expanded by Sabino Arana, founder of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) in 1895 (Mees 2003: 5), followed his perception of industrialisation - and the consequent immigration to the region - as a threat to Basque culture. Arana published his book For the Independence of Biscay (1892) and assisted the formation of the first Batzoki - later the Bizkai Buru Batzar - i.e. an ideological group that worked as a precursor of the PNV (Elorza 1978: 113). However, after the intervention of Spanish Authorities, Arana was arrested and the party rose as an organised structure, adhering to its manifesto (PNV Manifesto 1906: Volume II).

Returned to Biscay, after a course of Law in Barcelona - where he was impressed by the Catalan Language and the development of Catalonia after the Renaixen?a- Arana (a central player of nationalism in the 19th century) was motivated to study Euskerab and contribute to the Basque culture (Conversi 1997: 74). He took the view that only absolute independence from the Spanish state would secure permanent happiness and freedom for the Basque people as culture, history and race needed to be reaffirmed in order to solve the rooted problems. As a consequence, anything Spanish (or non-Basque) would have to be expelled (Mees 2003: 803), as following the nationalist feeling, the only way to succeed would be through the creation of a ‘nationalist history with deep mythological implications, as well as nationalist symbols and purification of the Basque language' (Payne 1971: 23).

Therefore, in a primary attempt to materialise the nationalist ideology, Arana created symbols that included: the name, Euskadi; the anthem, Gora Ta Gora; and the flag Ikurri?a, adopted by the PNV in 1933. Unlike Spanish unification, Arana succeeded in creating an ‘imagined community', with history, traditions and culture unique to the Basque region (Anderson 1999).

Violent Incursions and Peace Attempts

Since the early 1990s, the opposition within Basque society to the continuation of the conflict has been steadily increasing: groups of citizens became effectively mobilised in an effort to spread their pacifist views throughout the Basque community and build a new anti-violence consensus (Funes 1998: 493). Beyond Basque society, they aim at influencing political leaders, Spanish and Basque governments and at diminishing the power of ETA. As they believe that the people of the Basque Provinces has a responsibility for the existence and the continuity of violence, they intend to become a vehicle for peace. These pacifist groups have increased the conditions - both socially and politically - for resolution, though ETA retains the support of a ‘qualitatively significant sector of Basque society' (Funes 1998).

On a micro perspective of external intervention, Gesto por la Paz is composed of 160 subgroups throughout the Basque country and Navarre and organises street demonstrations that regularly attract 15-20,000 followers; and Elkarri, with up to 107 subgroups, was founded by members of the nationalist left, close to ETA and aims to influence those who would join the terrorist organisation or carry out violent attacks. The latter tries to expand dialogue on both sides through conferences, speeches and publications, as both groups look at the Basque people for support in denouncing violence and reducing separatist radical movements (Funes 1998).